Peru - Ecuador - Bolivia - Colombia - Venezuela -Brazil - Paraguay - Argentina - Chile - Patagonia - Tierra del Fuego
Library reference: http://americas.sas.ac.uk/library/
[247] How the Indians cross rivers
The Indians of Peru had strange ways of crossing rivers. They tied a rope between two poles on either side of a river, then they hung a large basket from this rope and whomsoever wanted to cross sat in the basket and was pulled across. Others crossed rivers by sitting astride a bundle of reeds and punting across with two wooden poles. Yet another method, suitable for transporting heavy cargoes, was to make a raft out of dried pumpkins and row across.
Plate 2 (14.2x18.1),
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text, also in 1602
with Latin text: 
[248] The bridge of Huaynacapaco
Much of Ecuador was ruled from Quito by the Inca king, Huayna-Capac. In order to quell the Indians on the other side of the River Chiouo (Guayas) they had to build a rope bridge at Huaynacapaco. While they were crossing it, though, the local Indians cut the bridge on both sides and most of Huayna-Capac’s men were drowned. (There is a bridge with this name at Vilcabamba in Peru but Smyth’s edited version of Benzoni suggests the bridge crossed the Guayas.).
Plate 25 (17.0x20.2),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[249] How the Inca nobility are buried
The funeral of an Inca king was a ceremony of great splendour. After digging a large pit, the Indians would decorate the corpse with gold and silver, then bury it with many fine ornaments, along with good food and wine to help it on its way into the next world. Benzoni so described the burial of Huayna-Capac, whose grave he said was on the border of the province of Quito. When the Spanish first went to Peru, they discovered and pillaged many such graves.
Plate 26 (16.0x19.0),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[246] How the Incas wrought their gold
The goldsmiths of Huayna-Capac were master craftsmen who wrought gold into magnificent artefacts with the simplest of tools. They used clay furnaces, heated by coals and blown by many men using tubes, rather than bellows. When the gold was molten it was poured into ingots and wrought into all kinds of ornamental objects, including plants, birds, fish and animals. It was said that the emperor had great feasts on the island of San Lorenzo, near Lima, with life-sized gold artefacts decorating the banquets.
Plate 27 (15.5x18.7),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[250] Americae Pars Sexta Sive
This introduces the sixth part of de Bry’s Grands Voyages, which illustrates the conquest of the Incas. Also illustrated is the on-going rivalry between the Pizarrists and Almagrists, and the attempts by the Spanish Crown to restore order in Peru, which continued for many years after the conquest. The scenes surrounding the title panel show Indians mining for gold and below, the Inca king, Atahualpa adorned with jewellery and holding a golden sceptre, is being carried on a litter to meet Pizarro at Cajamarca.
Title Page
(20.9x29.0) from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also
in 1597 with German text:
[256] Map: ‘Descripcion del Destieto del Audiencia de Lima’
The region covered by this map roughly corresponds to the whole of present-day Peru. Cajamarca, here called Caxamalca, where Atahualpa was captured by Pizarro (see [255] below) is marked to the north, and Ayacucho, unnamed but at Guamanga, near Cuzco to the south-east, was the location of further bloodshed in the early history of the conquest of the Incas.
Map 11 (15.8x22.6),
from Part XII(g), first published in 1623 with German text and in 1624
with Latin text:
[251] Pizarro reaches the coast of Peru
In 1528 Pizarro set out on a voyage of true exploration in search of the civilization and riches of Peru, about which he had heard so much from the Indians of Panama. When his ship entered the Gulf of Guayaquil and his men went ashore, they were confronted by crowds of Indians. A bearded Greek, named Pedro de Candía, with sword in hand, marched boldly up the shore. His beard astonished the natives and they stepped aside to let him through. Later the Spanish were shown the town of Tumbez, which they immediately knew indicated a sophisticated society. Pizarro was friendly, however, and gave no indication of his exploitative intentions
Plate 2 (16.0x19.6),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[253] De Soto meets the Inca king near Cajamarca
When the Spanish arrived in Cajamarca they found only a few inhabitants. The Inca army was camped in the surrounding hills and the residence of the Inca king, Atahualpa, was a few miles away, so de Soto went ahead to meet him and to announce the arrival in the town of Pizarro and his troops. As de Soto approached, he pulled his stallion to a halt in front of Atahualpa and the foam from the horses mouth was said to have flown in the face of the Inca king. Many of the nobles who had never seen a horse before were horrified and recoiled in terror but their leader remained impassive. De Soto then delivered a speech requesting Atahualpa to come to the town to meet Pizarro but the Inca king did not answer.
Plate 5 (15.6x18.3),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[254] The Inca King goes to meet Pizarro
As Pizarro prepared his small force of about 150 soldiers for battle, Atahualpa was carried into the town accompanied by about 15,000 Indians (de Bry says 25,000). He sat on a velvet-cushioned chair coloured with parrot feathers and the bejewelled litter he was carried on was said to be decorated with gold and silver. Unaware of the impending danger, the procession moved slowly into the centre of the town until it was practically full of Indians but none of the Spanish soldiers was visible. Atahualpa asked Pizarro’s small entourage where all his troops were, believing perhaps they must have been too frightened to show themselves.
Plate 6 (15.6x18.7),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[255] Atahualpa is captured by the Spanish
Accompanying Pizarro was a monk called Valverde, who confronted Atahualpa with a crucifix and breviary. The interpreter said the Spanish had been sent by their emperor to tell them about the teachings of God. When Atahualpa asked how they knew what these teaching were, Valverde replied that the book spoke of such things. The Inca king took the book and, after turning the pages slowly, threw it on the ground, saying it did not speak of anything. At that point Pizarro’s cannons fired and his horsemen charged into the crowds. The Indians were thrown into confusion and panicked, not knowing which way to turn. Many were slaughtered, while Atahualpa himself was thrown from his litter and taken prisoner.
Plate 7 (15.6x18.7),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[258] The Inca King is ransomed
The Spanish found signs of great wealth near Cajamarca, including a crockery set made of gold weighing about two hundred pounds. While Atahualpa was held captive, he soon realised how much the Spanish valued the yellow metal and said, in exchange for his own life, he would instruct his subjects to collect together enough gold artefacts to fill the room in which he was held prisoner. The room was said to measure about 22 feet by 17 feet and should be filled to the height of about 8 feet. Pizarro could hardly believe his luck and agreed to spare Atahualpa’s life in return for the ransom.
Plate 9 (16.8x20.0),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[259] The Incas begin collecting gold artefacts
Word spread throughout the empire that gold and silver artefacts were to be brought to Cajamarca to pay the king’s ransom. The more the Indians brought, the more the Spanish broke them up and melted them down, in order to pack more into the room. Then the Spanish began complaining that they wanted more gold and it was not coming in fast enough, so Atahualpa told them about the Temple of Coricancha at the Inca capital, Cuzco, whose entire roof was covered with gold tiles. The Spanish knew nothing of this city so the Indians were obliged to guide them there.
Plate 10 (15.5x18.5),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
While Atahualpa was still held captive rumours spread that the Indians were planning a counter attack. De Soto tried to find out if there was any truth in them and, although no evidence was found, the rumours persisted. Almagro persuaded Pizarro that, without a leader the Incas were ineffectual and, in order that they remain so, Atahualpa should be killed. In 1533, on a trumped-up charge of conspiracy, the Inca king was found guilty and sentenced to death by strangulation. Negro slaves who were working for the Spanish, acted as executioners.
Plate 11 (16.9x20.0),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[262] The Spanish take over Cuzco
After Atahualpa was killed, Pizarro set out with his troops to find the city of Cuzco, which he had heard was so rich in gold. The journey from Cajamarca to Cuzco by road was nearly a thousand miles and took three months. Although there was considerable resistance to the Spanish during this long march, the final descent, in November 1533 into the great city, was in fact not as portrayed here but a relatively peaceful affair.
Plate 12 (16.9x20.1),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[261] Bird’s-eye-view of the City of Cuzco
The city of Cuzco was the southern capital of the Inca Empire (the northern capital being Quito). After their long march from Cajamarca, Pizarro and his men were overwhelmed by what they saw when they entered the city. The tapering walls were cut from huge, perfectly interlocking blocks of stones and the narrow flagged streets were drained clean by flowing streams. The plaza in front of the Temple of the Sun was where all the most important Inca ceremonies and festivals were held. This engraving is derived from one by Braun and Hogenberg (ref. 8) but with de Bry’s own figurative embellishments and ornate title cartouche added in the foreground.
Plan (at Ar.
Plate 18/19) (28.6x40.3), from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin
text and (at Ar. Plate 15/16) in 1597 with German text, also from Part XII(g)
with German text only (at Page 98/9) in 1623:
[263] The Incas lay siege to Cuzco
Atahualpa’s brother, Manco, organised a long and bloody siege to reoccupy the Inca capital, which eventually spread to open rebellion throughout the land. Pizarro, who by this time was in Lima, sent a Spanish army of 500 men to support his over-stretched forces in Cuzco. Under the command of Almagro and Gómez de Tordoya, an enormous battle with the Incas took place near the capital city, which was eventually won by the Spanish.
Plate 13 (16.7x19.9),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[257] Indian women are raped by the Spanish
After the defeat of the Inca king, some of the Spanish went on the rampage. When they found some women bathing in a pool near the town of Cajamarca, the prettiest were seized upon and taken away to be raped. (Some writers suggest as many as 5,000 Indian women were raped by the Spanish during the conquest of the Incas.)
Plate 8 (16.7x19.8),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[264] Diego de Almagro is killed
Almagro returned to Cuzco, disillusioned and embittered from his long and fruitless journey south into Chile, where he had been searching for further wealth. This led to a split in the control of Peru between the Pizarrists, who held the coastal regions, and the Almagrists who held the Cordillera. Further quarrelling culminated in a battle just outside Cuzco in 1538, known as Las Salinas, which the Pizarrists won. Almagro was subsequently garrotted and his captain, Orgóñez, beheaded.
Plate 14 (16.0x18.7),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[265] Francisco Pizarro is killed
Almagro’s son planned to take revenge on Pizarro for his father’s death. In 1541, with the help of Juan de Herrada and other Almagro supporters, they besieged Pizzaro’s residence in Lima. When Francisco Pizarro was killed by a swordsman, Almagro the younger was immediately proclaimed, by his supporters, the new governor of all Peru. However, now that both the original rival conquistadors were dead, it only aggravated the onset of a civil war that had been brewing for a long time.
Plate 15 (15.6x18.3),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[266] The bloody battle at Chupas
Even before Pizarro’s death, a new royal governor, Vaca de Castro, was on his way to settle the turmoil in Peru. He refused to accept Almagro the younger, when he heard he had appointed himself the new governor and summond his troops for battle. They were later joined by Alonso de Alvarado and by other Pizarrists. This culminated in a bloody battle at Chupas in 1542, near the city of Ayacucho. Many men on both sides died, before Almagro the younger, fled to Cuzco. He was pursued up into the mountains and eventually caught and beheaded.
Plate 16 (15.3x18.5),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[267] The royal governor of Peru is installed
Life under the new governor, Vaca de Castro, was no more stable than before and the king of Spain was eventually forced to send out yet another governor to replace him. His name was Blanco Núñez Vela and, when he took over the governorship, he introduced a new set of laws designed to establish order throughout the land. The new governor, however, acted like a dictator by imprisoning his predecessor and imposing harsh punishments on anyone who objected to this new regime. When a spokesman for the people of Lima complained, the new viceroy stabbed him to death and imposed yet further retribution.
Plate 17 (15.5x18.7),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[268] The royal governor is sent home
The procurator’s stabbing caused so much resentment among the people of Lima that the new governor, Blanco Núñez Vela, eventually decided he would be safer to transfer his offices to Trujillo, three hundred miles to the north. His advisors, however, refused to go with him and Gonzalo Pizarro, the last of the four Pizarro brothers, led a revolt against the governor by storming his palace and taking him prisoner. Then in 1544, after sending him rather unceremoniously back to Spain, he assumed governorship himself.
Plate 18 (15.7x18.8),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[269] A vendetta against the last of the four Pizarro brothers
The self-appointed governor of Peru, Gonzalo Pizarro, turned out to be no less harsh than his predecessor so in 1546, when the king of Spain appointed yet another viceroy to take over, it was not difficult for him to gain support from the colonists as he travelled southwards from Panama. His name was Pedro de la Gasca, and one of his first victims was Pedro de Puelles (left), whom Pizarro had appointed governor of Quito.
Plate 19 (15.7x18.9),
form Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[270] How the load-bearers were punished
As Pedro de la Gasca advanced from the north with about 1,500 soldiers, the journey from Trujillo to Ayacucho up the Eastern Cordillera was a terrible experience for the Indian load-bearers. Those who died of thirst and exhaustion along the way were simply beheaded to avoid the bother of unchaining them. Others had an ear, arm or leg severed as a punishment for slacking. They were then often left by the wayside to perish.
Plate 20 (15.5x18.6),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[271] The last of the Pizarro brothers is executed
Conflict between Gonzalo Pizarro and the latest officially appointed governor of Peru, Pedro de la Gasca, reached a climax in 1548 when Gasca’s forces crossed the Apurimac River to confront the Pizarrists who were advancing from Cuzco. The formidable forces of the king caused many of Pizarro’s men to defect, which eventually caused Pizarro himself to surrender. The following day he was executed and his head taken to Lima to be placed on a marble column with the inscription: ‘This is the head of the traitor, Gonzalo Pizarro, who opposed the imperial army and was defeated in the Valley of Jaquijahuana’.
Plate 21 (15.6x18.9),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, also in 1597 with
German text:
[272] A Dutch and Spanish battle at sea off Lima
On the evening of 17th July, 1615, Spilbergen’s Dutch fleet encountered the powerful fleet of the Spanish, under the command of Roderigo de Mendoza, off the coast of Peru near Lima. The Spanish were eager to confront the Dutch, even though it was becoming dark. The battle began about ten o’clock in the evening and the two flagships are shown in the foreground. ‘A’ represents the Spanish admiral’s ship and ‘B’ the Dutch admiral’s.
Ap. Plate 8 (15.4x19.1),
from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[273] The Spanish fleet is defeated by the Dutch
The battle between the two fleets continued all night but by early morning of the following day several of the Spanish ships had been sunk or were ablaze and the rest in disarray, pursued by the Dutch. The descriptive text below describes the action and gives the names of the ships, indicated by letters.
Ap. Plate 9 (15.2x19.1),
from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with both German or Latin text:
[274] Portrait of the harbour Caliou de Lima
The harbour of Caliou de Lima is a very convenient place for the Dutch ships to anchor for one or more days.
The letter ‘A’ shows the cannons positioned on the shore by the Spanish.
‘B’: A fine town house.
‘C’: The town’s church.
‘D’: Two troops of riders holding spears.
‘E’: Two groups of infantry positioned on both sides of the firearms.
‘F’: Two groups of Spaniards on horseback and on foot.
‘G’: Spaniards shown on the other side of the river.
‘H’: Many Spanish ships at anchor.
‘I’: The Dutch Admiral.
‘K’: The Dutch pursuing ship, travelling to and fro.
‘L’: The ship Aeolus damaged by cannon shot.
‘M’: The ship Morning Star.
‘N’: The ship called The New Moon.
Ap. Plate 10
(15.2x19.1), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with both German or
Latin text:
[275] Spilbergen’s fleet reaches Huarmey
The town of Huarmey was situated about 150 miles north of Lima. It was conveniently located for ships because there was a natural harbour nearby with a permanent supply of fresh water. The Dutch went ashore to replenish their stocks but they had to carry the water in barrels from the lake to their boats, marked (B). Meanwhile, they took over the old castle, (A) and sent a force of Soldiers, (G) to the town of Huarmey to find food. However, some Spanish horsemen, (H) saw them coming and rode off, probably to report their landing.
Ap. Plate 11
(15.2x19.0), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with both German and
Latin text:
[276] Spilberben’s fleet reaches Paita
On 8th August 1615, Spilberben’s fleet anchored off Paita, on the northern coast of Peru. The following day 300 men went ashore, (A) and, with the help of gunfire from three of their ships, attacked the city (C). The Spanish soon gave up the battle for the town and retreated, (B). (Ref. 61 claims it was the Dutch that retreated.) The large bird in the foreground is supposed to be an Andean condor, with a nine foot wing-span which the Dutch caught on an island, just off the coast, called Lobos de Tierra, near Lambayeque. The natives of those parts use to go fishing in small balsa wood rafts, either with sails, (D), or without sails, (E).
Ap. Plate 12
(15.3x19.2), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with both German and
Latin text:
[277] Another Dutch fleet reaches Lima
In 1624 a heavily armed Dutch fleet sailed from the Juan Fernandez Islands to Lima. The leader of the fleet, Jacob l’Hermite, was in such poor health that he had to hand over command to Admiral Jacobson. The fleet anchored outside the harbour near the island of San Lorenzo (‘I. de Lima’). The port was full of Spanish ships and too well protected for a direct confrontation so, on the night of 11th May, the Dutch carried out a daring and devious plan.
Page 30 (15.1x17.5),
from Part XIV(g), first published in 1630 with German text, also Page 108
from Part XIII(g), published in 1634 with Latin text:
[278] The Dutch fleet attacks the Spanish at Lima
At about midnight the Dutch started an attack to the north of Lima, which drew the attention of the Spanish away from the harbour. Meanwhile, twelve well-armed rowing boats with a small cannon and a large quantity of explosives rowed directly towards the harbour. They managed to set fire to 30 to 40 Spanish vessels but about seven of the Dutch were killed and fifteen wounded in the process. When, through the morning mist, the Dutch saw several blazing Spanish ships drifting towards their fleet, they took refuge behind the island of San Lorenzo. On 13th they took possession of the island with the intention of preventing all cargo ships from getting in or out of the harbour of Lima.
Page 35 (15.1x17.6),
from Part XIV(g), first published in 1630 with German text, also Page 112
from Part XIII(g), published in 1634 with Latin text:
[280] Map: ‘Descripcion del Audiencia del Quito’
This simple outline map covers the whole of present-day Ecuador, along with part of Colombia to the north, including the town of Popayan. Paita, where Spilberben’s fleet made their assault (see below: [276]) is marked on the coast, and the strategically important town of Guayaquil, which l’Hermite’s fleet attacked (see below: [279]). Since the conquest, most of the Spanish came and went via the town of Guayaquil.
Map 10 (15.9x19.3),
from Part XII(g), first published in 1623 with German text and in 1624 with
Latin text:
[279] The Dutch burn the town of Guayaquil
From Lima, two of l’Hermite’s fleet sailed north until they reached the gulf of Guayaquil in Ecuador. Nearby was the island of Puná where they found three Spanish ships, two of which they set ablaze and captured the other one. Then they sailed up river to the town of Guayaquil, which was well fortified and defended by a strong garrison. Although, after a hard battle, they broke through, they could not hold the town with so few soldiers, so they set fire to it. Being the principal port for the province of Quito, it contained many fine buildings and beautiful furnishings, most of which were destroyed in the fire.
Page 36 (15.1x17.4),
from Part XIV(g), first published in 1630 with German text, also Page 113
from Part XIII(g), published in 1634 with Latin text:
[283] Map: ‘Descripcion del Audiencia de los Charcas’
Here, shown in outline is most of Bolivia, including Lake Titicaca and Arica. Arica being the port to which silver was transported down from Potosí (see: [281] below). The whole region was set up as an Audiencia under Spanish rule in 1599. Although covering some of the most inaccessible terrain in all South America, much of this territory was explored, including Santa Cruz, over the Eastern Cordillera. Based on Velasco’s manuscript map of about 1574, it shows even at this early stage of exploration that Spanish settlements existed at Santa Cruz over the eastern Cordilleria.
Map 12 (15.3x16.7),
from Part XII(g), first published in 1623 with German text and in 1624 with
Latin text:
[281] How the Indians mined silver at Potosí
The mountain shown here is probably the Cerro Rico, which stand above the city of Potosí and has the distinction of being the richest mountain in all the Americas. The Indians, who had a day and a night shift, hacked the ore out of the rock. They worked about a hundred and fifty fathoms down and carried the heavy ore out of the mountain by a series of double-sided ladders, made from ox-hide and poles, so the men could go down on one side and up on the other. They carried lights, tied to their thumbs and rested at intervals on ledges.
Plate 3 (14.7x18.7),
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text, also Plate 12
in 1602 with Latin text:
[282] The strange sheep-like creatures that carried the silver ore
When the Spanish discovered the silver mines of Potosí, they organised the transporting of the rich ore, westward by llama trains, across the Altiplano and down to Arica on the coast, to be transported by ship to Panama. These creatures would sit down when angered or overburdened and, neither beatings nor kind words would make the animals get up again. If any of them ran away, they had to be shot to recover their valuable cargo.
Plate 4 (14.3x18.1),
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text, also Plate 12
in 1602 with Latin text:
[187] Map: ‘Descripcion del Audiencia del Nuevo Reino’
This simple outline map, drawn about 1570 by Juan López de Velasco, shows the Spanish courts in the northern part of Colombia, including also the ‘lake’ of Maracaibo in present-day Venezuela. This shows that already a number of Spanish settlements had already been established along the coast, including the commercially important Cartagena, and along the banks of the river Magdalena, here called the ‘Rio Grande’, and its tributaries.
Map 9 (17.5x20.0)
from Part XII(g), first published in 1623 with German text and in 1624 with
Latin text:
[189] A typical Indian market at Cartagena
The natives of the province of Cartagena had plenty of fruit, fish, salt and peppers, which they exchanged for other necessities of life. In times of peace, the natives of that province had a weekly market where a variety of merchandise could be traded. Fruit, corn, wood, feathers, golden necklaces, various jewels, emeralds and many other things that originated in those parts could be exchanged. Before the Spanish arrived, they used a barter system and were always modest in their consumption of food and drink.
Plate 10 (16.0x19.7),
from Part V(g), first published 1595 with German or Latin text:
http://library.wustl.edu/units/spec/exhibits/terra/early.html
[188] How the Indians of Colombia prepared for war
Those Indians who lived in the valley of Tunis (Barranquilla), near the great river (Magdalena), which runs between Cartagena and Santa Marta, were called Caribs (Arawaks). They were fierce fighters and carried their war-god, Chiappam, to battles in which they would used poisonous arrows and spears. They smeared themselves with the blood of their enemy and ate their flesh. When their chiefs died they were buried with jewels, food and drink and the Spanish subsequently found riches buried in the tombs there.
Plate 11 (15.0x19.0),
from Part V(g), first published in 1595 with German or Latin text:
[183] Vespucci lands on Colombian shores
Perhaps the first Europeans ever to reach Colombian shores where Alonso de Ojeda and his crew during their voyage in 1499-1500. Amerigo Vespucci was reputed to be among them. Many Indians along the shoreline of Cabo de la Vela, in the province of Cuquibacao where they were believed to have landed, fled into the woods. The Spanish followed them and soon came across a settlement where many strange creatures were being prepared for a meal, including ‘horrible snakes with feet and wings’ (iguanas). The Indians were very hospitable to the visitors and even offered them their womenfolk with such persistence that the visitors found these offers hard to refuse.
Plate 4 (14.9x17.6),
from Part X(g), first published in 1618 with German text and in 1619 with
Latin text:
[184] The strange tree-houses in the gulf of Urabá
Because much of the land along the Atrato River was swampy, the Indians of that region lived in tree-houses. These houses were built high up in the palm groves, with their canoes moored to the base of the trees. Balboa was the first to see them and at first thought storks must have built them. Oviedo wrote that one house was so big it was supported by a hundred and ten palm trees.
Plate 23 (16.8x19.9),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text, and in 1597 with
German text:
http://www.bruceruiz.net/PanamaHistory/vasco_nunez_balboa_3.htm
[185] The Spanish try to destroy the tree-houses of the Atrato
When the Spanish heard that the Indians of Urabá who lived in tree houses, had gold and silver, they tried to get them down. The Indians threw down stones, spears and boiling water to prevent the Spanish from cutting down the trees, moreover, the trunks of these trees were very hard to cut. Consequently the Spanish had to protect themselves with wooden boards while they attempted to do so.
Plate 24 (15.8x19.1),
from Part VI(g), first published in 1596 with Latin text and in 1597 with
German text:
http://www.bruceruiz.net/PanamaHistory/vasco_nunez_balboa_3.htm
[186] Indians are attacked near Cartagena
When the governor of Cartagena, Alonso de Ojeda, led a party of Spanish soldiers into the interior to search for gold, they were attacked by Indians with such ferocity that the intruders were forced back to the sea with the loss of seventy-five lives. Soon after this incident, Nicuessa’s fleet arrived at Cartagena with reinforcements and a combined army marched silently through the night to take revenge on the Indians. They burnt their village at dawn and many of the Indians who tried to escape were captured or killed by the Spanish who had blocked all the escape routes. Others simply threw themselves into the flames to avoid capture.
Plate 18 (16.1x19.8), from Part
IV(g), first published in 1594 with German or Latin text:
http://www.uh.edu/engines/epi893.htm
http://arkarcheology.uark.edu/indiansofarkansas/index.html?pageName=First%20Encounters
[190] Cartagena is destroyed by the French
A Spanish sailor, who in 1536 was convicted and flogged for some trivial offence in Cartagena, sought his revenge. Having returned to Spain, he subsequently crossed into France and sailed with five French ships back to Colombia. At the dead of night he guided a hundred men ashore to loot and burn the harbour town of Cartagena. The Spaniard who had previously been flogged, found the judge who had convicted him and stabbed him to death. The rest of the party, meanwhile, killed many of the Spaniards at will and others whom they had captured were ransomed for 150,000 ducats.
Plate 8 (15.4x19.3),
from Part V(g), first published in 1595 with German or Latin text:
[191] Francis Drake attacks Cartagena
On 9 February 1586, Drake’s fleet entered the harbour at Cartagena. They immediately began to set fire to the weakly guarded town but a ransom of 107,000 ducats saved the remainder of the buildings. Although they remained in Cartagena for ten weeks, they gained little else of value and many of the crew became sick and depressed at the prospect of an impending counter attack from a Spanish armada. Before this happened, Drake’s fleet left for Virginia on 24th April, with many Negroes, Turks and Moors.
Plate 8 (15.3x21.2)
with Latin text, or Ad. Plate 8 with German text, from Part VIII(g), first
published in 1599:
http://international.loc.gov/intldl/fiahtml/fiatheme1d1.html
http://www.loc.gov/rr/rarebook/catalog/drake/drake-6-caribraid.html
This map, showing the huge kingdom of Guiana, rich in gold, lies beneath the Equator, between Brazil and Peru and has been drawn by a seaman travelling with Walter Ralegh. Its similar appearance to a manuscript in the British Museum, may be the one referred to above. It was designed to illustrate the region, which Ralegh called ‘the large, rich and beautiful empire of Guiana’ but, since he navigated up the Orinoco, only a little beyond the Caroní, here called ‘Caroli R.’ rapids, most of the map is conjectural. The geography and vignettes marked on the map itself comprise a strange mix of fact and fantasy, as indicated by some of the observations and notes, here translated:
The winter in Guiana start in May and end in September. During this period, no ship can venture here because of great storms, thunder and lightning. The tides [rainfall] flood theriver Orinoque and the water-level rises 30 feet, so the inhabitants are compelled to live in the tree-tops at this time (see [205] below).
AMAPAIA is rich in gold and the water here is good round about noon but in the evenings and especially at midnight, it is poisonous.
The name ‘Amazones’given also to the great river, derives from the nation of that same name consisting mainly of women who only congregate with men for one month of the year, April, during which time they are ful of merrymaking, dancing and feasting. If any sons are born in consequence, they are sent back to their fathers but if they are daughters, they remain with the women, while their fathers receive a gift of honour.Starting at the mouth of the ESSEKEBE [Essequibo] River, the inhabitants take a twenty-day boat journey to reach Lake PARIME [fictitious] Then they have a day’s march across dry land, carrying their provisions and canoes. On reaching the lake they start trading. The lake is called PARIME by the Cannibals and in FOPONOWINI the cannibles are known as IAOS. The lake is 200 miles long, holds salt water and has many islands.
MANOA or DORADO is considered the largest town in the world.
WARAWAKERI are rocks which holda lot of gold and the sands from the streem or lake Caszipa also bring much gold.
IWAIPANOMA is a place where the folk have no heads.
The creatures drawn here on this map are found, with others, in GUIANA include fowl, such as prairie-chickens, partridge, crane, quail and all kinds of parrots.
Certainly, the inland-sea, here called ‘Canibales Parime’, with Manoa on its northern shore, where the ‘Golden One’ was believed to have lived, are all fictional. The notes describing the figures on the map, testify to its legendary bias:
Map (33.2x44.2), from Part VIII(g), first
published in 1599, facing Page 1 with German text and facing Page 78 with
Latin text:
http://www.litencyc.com/php/sworks.php?rec=true&UID=5573
[192] Columbus discovers pearls off Cubagua
In 1498, during Columbus’s third voyage, he noticed natives in the Gulf of Paria wearing pearls, which they exchanged with the sailors for worthless trash without hesitation. Having found out where the pearls came from, Columbus turned north through the ‘Dragon’s Mouth’ between Venezuela and Trinidad, then west towards the islands of Margarita. Here, the Spanish galleons are seen moored in the pearl banks off Cubagua, where natives were tying rocks to their ankles and diving from canoes to find pearl oysters. (Some historians suggest it was Ojeda who discovered these pearly banks, not Columbus).
Plate 12 (16.5x20.2),
from Part IV(g), first published in 1594 with German or Latin text:
[193] Amerigo Vespucci visits Paria
In his letters, Vespucci described the natives of the region of Paria as being tawny, going about naked and with no pubic hair, eating whatever the land provided naturally for them. They lived in huts thatched with palm and offered their wives or daughters to visitors as a sign of their hospitality. The sick were put in hammocks, round which they danced all day. Then they left them with food and water for four days to recover. If they died they were buried, also with food and water, to help them on their journey in the next world.
Plate 1 (15.1x17.6),
from Part X(g), first published in 1618 with German text and in 1619 with
Latin text:
[194] How the natives of Paria coped with illness
When a native of those parts had a high fever he was bathed in a cold stream for two hours, then chased round a blazing fire until he had dried out. After that he was put to bed, taking great care to dry his loin region. Other disease such as vomiting was overcome by fasting for three or four days, or otherwise by paying careful attention to diet, which rarely included meat, except for human flesh of which they were inordinately fond. In fact, they would even fatten their enemy captives before eating them and seemed amazed that Christians sometimes offered clemency to their enemies.
Plate 2 (14.7x17.6),
from Part X(g), first published in 1618 with German text and in 1619 with
Latin text:
[200] Vespucci reaches ‘lake’ Maracaibo
During Ojeda’s voyage to South America, they came to a village built above the water of a lake. It comprised about twenty huts, like bells, built on poles above the water, with bridges linking them, which reminded Vespucci of Venice in Italy (hence the name Venezuela). When the natives saw the Spanish coming, they destroyed the bridges between their huts but later paddled in their canoes to meet the Spanish with some of their young women who they offered to the visitors. Then, when some of the older women began screaming from their huts, the young women jumped from the canoes and the men-folk began shooting arrows at the Spanish and throwing spears, which they had hidden below the waterline.
Plate 3 (15.0x17.7),
from Part X(g), first published in 1618 with German text and in 1619 with
Latin text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[197] Indian slaves are captured to work in the pearl fisheries
The Spanish journeyed over 700 miles into the interior of Venezuela to find Indian slaves. They were branded on their cheeks with the letter ‘C’ as they were destined for the Island of Cubagua, were they were to work in the pearl fisheries. Under their leader, Pedro de Calyce, the Spanish arrived back at the port of Amaracapana (Pritu, on the Venezuelan coast) with over 4, 000 Indians. There would have been many more but those who had fallen by the wayside were killed rather than left behind, lest they caused trouble when they recovered.
Plate 4 (16.3x20.2), from Part
IV(g), first published in 1594 with German or Latin text:
http://www.southwark.gov.uk/Uploads/FILE_25930.pdf
http://arkarcheology.uark.edu/indiansofarkansas/index.html?pageName=First%20Encounters
[195] Indians of Venezuela murder Spanish monks
Some monks crossed from Cubagua to the Venezuelan mainland to spread the message of Christianity to the Indians. Along with them went other Spaniards who wanted to barter with the natives. The Indians, however, were already weary of Spanish interference so, early one morning near the port of Cumana, they massacred as many monks and Spanish traders as they could find. Some managed to escape the slaughter by getting aboard a ship at anchor in the river at Cumana and headed for Dominica, where they reported the revolt to Bartholomew Columbus, who was governor of the island at the time.
Plate 16 (16.3x20.1), from Part
IV(g), first published in 1594 with German or Latin text:
[196] The Spanish get their revenge
Some of those Spaniards who had witnessed the Indian massacre near Cumana and fled to the island of Dominica helped Diego d’Ocampo to raise an army of 300 men. When they arrived back at Cumana, d’Ocampo ordered his soldiers to hide below deck. Then he enticed the Indians aboard to barter their pearls, saying he had come directly from Spain. Seeing only a few Spaniards on deck, they went aboard and were at first treated hospitably. Then the soldiers suddenly attacked them and only a few Indians escaped. Those that were captured were hanged from the masts.
Plate 17 (16.4x19.8), from Part
IV(g), first published in 1594 with German or Latin text:
[198] The French try to land at Cubagua
A French privateer was attracted by the pearl fisheries off the coast of Venezuela at Cubagua. When the Spanish saw them approaching they told the local Indians that they were sodomites and they would be well advised to prevent them from coming ashore. The Indians needed no further persuasion and shot poisonous arrows at them from their canoes. It was reported that no French ship ever subsequently tried to land on Cubagua because the Indians were so hostile. Thus, the Spanish were able to keep their monopoly of the rich pearl banks until they had been completely depleted.
Plate 9 (16.0x20.0),
from Part V(g), first published in 1595 with German or Latin text:
[199] An old Indian woman of Venezuela
While Benzoni was with the governor of the province of Cumana, a strange looking native woman arrived with a basket of fruit for him. She was old and almost naked, with long hair down to her waist and claimed to be the wife of a local cacique Indian. She had a large wooden ring in her nose and heavy earrings that stretched the lobes of her ears. She had long fingernails and a big mouth that was full of black teeth. Benzoni said she was so ugly that he believed her to be more a monster than a human being.
Plate 3 (16.3x20.2), from Part
IV(g), first published in 1594 with German or Latin text:
[202] Ralegh meets the king of Arromaia
In 1595, during Ralegh’s voyage up the Orinoco in search of el Dorado, he met an old man who said he was the king of Arromaia. He claimed to be one hundred and fourteen years old and with him he brought an entourage bearing gifts of fruit, vegetables and birds. Ralegh questioned him about the ‘large, rich and beautiful empire of Guiana’ (ref. 44) and the whereabouts of ‘the great and golden city of Manoa, which the Spanish called el Dorado’. After he had described what he knew of the interior of the country Ralegh thanked him for his help and the old man returned home:
Plate 16 (14.1x17.8),
from Part VIII(g), first published in 1599 with Latin text or Plate 3 with
German text:
[203] Ralegh arrives at Orocotona
On reaching the rapids of the Caroní further up the Orinoco, Ralegh’s expedition was unable to proceed further by river, so they continued on overland, eventually arriving at the town of Orocotona. This was where they again met the king of Arromaia, whose subjects greeted their visitors warmly with much dancing and the blowing of trumpets.
Plate 3 (13.3x17.6),
from Part VIII(g), first published in 1599 with Latin text, and Ad. Plate
3 in 1600 with German:
[205] The Indians of the Orinoco Delta who live in trees
In the Orinoco delta, during the rainy season, no one could live at ground level because the river rose about 30 feet. During this time the Indians lived in their houses, built on high rocks or in trees and they lived on a diet of fish, birds and palm hearts. When their chiefs died they performed a strange ceremony. First they buried the corpse until it had decomposed enough, then they would dig up the skeleton and adorn it with feathers and gold plates, before hanging it up for decoration in their houses.
Plate 14 (13.2x17.5),
from Part VIII(g), first published in 1599 with Latin text, or Ad. Plate
12 in 1600 with German text:
[206] The origin of the legend of el Dorado
From time to time the Indians of Guiana had drinking parties to which they invited all their neighbours. The chiefs would lie about in hammocks, drinking brews, fermented in large earthenware pots, which the women prepared with herbs, spices and flowers. Some of their guests were stripped naked and painted all over with a sticky tree resin. Gold dust was then blown onto their skin with small blowpipes. Ralegh learnt about this ceremony only by hearsay and it is doubtful whether any Europeans ever saw an ‘el Dorado’, or Golden One.
Plate 15 (13.7x17.7),
from Part VIII(g), first published in 1599 with Latin text, or Plate 2
with German text:
The Indians were believed to collect grains of gold and copper from the streams that drained into a large, inland-sea called Manoa or Lake Parima. Some of these grains were reputed to be the size of small stones, and they were melted down in large earthenware pots placed on fires, before casting the metal into moulds of plates and other images made from clay. (The names ‘Manoa’ and ‘Lake Parima’ appeared on sixteenth and seventeenth century maps of the area but both are believed to be fictitious. Moreover, the practice of moulding gold was based only on hearsay.)
Plate 17 (13.5x17.6),
from Part VIII(g), with Latin text first published in 1599, or Plate 4
with German text:
[208] The Indians murder the Spanish in Guiana
A party of Spaniards from Trinidad claimed they eventually found the city of Manoa, where they collected together about four tons of gold objects. However, on their return journey, they were murdered by the local Indians near the town of Arromaia. One Spaniard managed to swim across a river and escape slaughter. Eventually he got back and related the story to his commanding officer, Antonio de Berrío. He swore vengeance and sent out another party to seek revenge on the Indians.
Plate 18 (13.9x17.6),
from Part VIII(g), with Latin text, or Plate 5 with German text, first
published in 1599:
http://www.lehigh.edu/~ejg1/natimag/Harry.html
http://www.ucalgary.ca/applied_history/tutor/eurvoya/columbus.html
[181] Map: ‘Descripcion de las Indias de Mediodia’
Originally drawn in manuscript about 1570, this simple outline map of South America shows the extent of knowledge of the coastal contours and major river systems at the time. Although the Equator and Tropic of Capricorn are quite well placed, the Meridian of Demarcation, here called ‘Meridiano de la Demarcacion’, is too far east. This was a longitude line settled at the Treaty of Tordesillas by Papal Decree between Spain and Portugal over how South America should be divided up between the two monarchies. The map, being of Spanish origin, has shifted the line of demarcation to the east, with Portugal allocated a diminutive Brazil.
Map 7 (20.1x17.4),
from Part XII(g), first published in 1623 with German text and in 1624 with
Latin text:
[182] Map: ‘Americae Pars Magis Cognita’
The origin of the cartography for this map is uncertain, although it bears some similarity to Ortelius’s map ‘Americae sive Novi Orbis’ (ref. 40), first published twenty-two years earlier. The Chilean bulge is a little less pronounced but the East Coast and the major river systems are very similar. The Central American section and the West Indies are very different and the Florida peninsula bears the distinctive shape as le Moyne’s map (see: [098]), published by de Bry the pervious year. All the embellishments are also clearly de Bry’s and serve to make this one of the most decorative maps of the area ever published.
Map (36.5x44.0),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, and in 1593
with German text. (There is a second state of this map dated 1624, which
probably did not appear until 1629 in the third issue of Part III(g), with
Latin text only. It is easily recognised by the additional engravings of
oval plans in the Pacific and Atlantic Ocean areas, entitled respectively:
‘Mexico’ and ‘Phernambuco’. Also sea battles have been added off the coasts
of Peru and Brazil):
[210] Title Page to Part Three
This introduces the volume describing ‘the wild and incredible life-style of the inhabitants of Brazil’. De Bry based his illustrations on the text from Jean de Léry’s 1578 publication [Ref. 21] and the text from Hans Staden’s 1557 publication [Ref. 35]. Both men had visited Brazil and gained first-hand experience of the country and particularly of the terrifying Tupí Indians.
Title Page
(31.0x21.0), from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text,
and in 1593 with German text. (It also formed the basis for the title
page to Part VII(g), first published in 1597 with German text, and in 1599
with Latin text):
http://www.infoamerica.org/museo/expo_bry/bryxiii/bryxiii01.htm
After eighty-four days at sea Pintado’s ship, with Staden aboard, reached the coast near Recife. They were asked to help get supplies to the Portuguese in the nearby fort at Iguaraçu, which was being besieged by Indians. Staden went by river with some men in a canoe to Itamaracá for help. Although the Indians tried to block the river with trees, they eventually managed to get back with supplies and saved the lives of ninety Christians.
Pages 7 & 122 (15.8x19.3), from Part
III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also page 5 in 1593 with
German text:
[212] The Portuguese fight the French near Recife
After the siege at Iguaraçu, the Portuguese, with Staden aboard, sailed on to the harbour at Petyguaras about forty miles away, where they hoped to load on board a cargo of brazil wood. On arrival they came across a French ship loading the brazil wood onto their ship. When they tried to apprehend it, the French retaliated by shooting and damaging the main mast of the Portuguese ship.
Pages 10 & 96
(15.8x19.5), from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also
page 7 in 1593 with German text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[213] The Portuguese reach the Island of Santa Catarina
Staden’s second voyage to Brazil in 1549 sighted an island in latitude 28° south, on St. Catherine’s Day. The galleon dropped anchor and Staden, with some of the sailors, went ashore and found an empty hut with a large wooden cross, on which was written the words ‘those who arrive on his majesty’s service should fire a gun and they will get more information’. This they did and soon five canoes with Indians and a Portuguese man arrived. He explained that this place was called Florianópolis and that he had been sent there from Asunción to plant cassava for the ships that passed that way.
Page 18 (16.2x19.7),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also page 13
in 1593 with German text:
[214] Hans Staden returns for the rest of the crew
The galleon remained anchored off the island of Santa Catarina without news for three days. Then the crew saw a canoe full of Indians approaching. At first they were alarmed but then they saw Staden aboard. He called out to them that the other sailors on the island were safe and that they should follow the canoe into the harbour at Florianópolis and come ashore.
Pages 14 and 21 (16.2x19.7), from Part
III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also page 10 in 1593 with
German text:
[215] Staden is shipwrecked near S ão Vicente
From Florianópolis the ship sailed northwards, eventually running into a fierce storm. On trying to land at an unknown harbour, their ship was wrecked and many of the crew had to cling to floating debris before being washed ashore. Eventually they reached the nearby settlement of Itanhaém on the island of São Vicente, from where Staden later became a gunner at the fort of Bertioga, near the port of Santos.
Pages 24 and
26 (16.4x19.9), from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text,
also page 16 in 1593 with German text:
[216] Staden is captured by the Indians
In 1552, while Staden was out hunting with his guide, not far from the fort at Bertioga, he found himself surrounded by shouting Indians. Although the guide escaped, Staden was captured and his clothes were torn off. The Indians began biting their arms in anticipation of their eating him, then soon began quarrelling among themselves over to whom he belonged. Eventually they took him with them in their canoes to their village for their womenfolk to torment.
Page 34 (16.2x19.7),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 22
in 1593 with German text:
[217] The Portuguese attempt to free Staden
While Staden was in captivity he was taken to an island with the Indians to collect bird feathers. On the way back, while passing near the fort of Bertioga, the Indians forced him to stand up in the canoe, so that the Portuguese would see him and hold their fire.
Page 37 (16.2x19.7),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also page 24 in
1593 with German text:
[218] Staden reaches the village of Ubatúba
The Indian village where Staden was held captive was called Ubatúba. It consisted of seven communal huts, surrounded by cleverly arranged fences, within a circle of stakes. When the men-folk returned with Staden, they left him to their women and disappeared into one of the huts to drink and celebrate his captivity. The women began dancing around their captive excitedly and started screaming abuse at him. They wanted to cut Staden’s beard off but he said he would die with it on, so they left him, saying they were not ready to kill him yet.
Page 41 (16.1x19.6),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also page 27 in
1593 with German text:
[219] How the Indian women tease their captives
The Indian women led their captive, Staden, into the middle of the hamlet. Then they decorated his head with feathers and his legs with rattles. After forming a circle round him and began singing, they forced him to dance to their rhythms. When they became tired of this game, they tied his legs together so he was forced to hop about the village. This caused them much amusement and they cried: ‘look, here comes our food, hopping towards us.’
Page 43 (15.9x19.4),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 29
in 1593 with German text:
[220] Staden forecasts an Indian attack
Staden claimed he could tell the future and told the Indian chief, who lived in the nearby village of ‘Arirab’ (probably Cairussú). He predicted an attack from rival Indians and, sure enough, some time later the Tupinikin Indians did attack. Staden asked for, and was given, a bow with arrows to defend the hamlet. During the attack he looked for the opportunity to escape and join the attackers, who he knew were friendly with the Portuguese. Unfortunately, he never got the opportunity before the attackers went away.
Page 52 (16.2x19.7), from Part III(g),
first printed in 1592 with Latin text, also page 35 in 1593 with German
text:
[221] A Portuguese ship comes to look for Staden
When a boat from the nearby fort of Bertioga came by to look for Staden. He told the Indians that his brother was probably aboard, looking for him. The Indians sent a canoe to speak to the Portuguese but when the sailors asked about Staden, they were told the Indians had no knowledge of him, so they went away assuming he must be dead.
Pages 56 & 68,
(16.0x19.4), from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text,
also pages 37 & 45 in 1593 with German text:
[222] Staden tries to get aboard a French ship
When a French ship from Rio de Janeiro, in search of brazil wood, peppers, parrots and monkeys passed by, Staden attempted to get aboard. Having escaped from the Indians, he swam out and begged to be taken aboard but the sailors refused him. Dejectedly, he had to return eventually to the shore and the waiting Indians. In fear of his life, he managed to explain the incident away to them by saying he had swam out to beg the sailors for food and other supplies for them but that they had refused. They seemed to believe he was their ally after all.
Page 47 (15.7x19.0),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 50
in 1593 with German text:
[223] The Tupinambá Indians spend a night on São Sebastiano
The Tupinambá Indians planned to attack their rivals, the Tipiniki who lived near the fort at Bertioga and were friendly to the Portuguese. They went in 38 canoes and took Staden with them. The night before the attack they camped on the island of São Sebastiano and before going to sleep, they performed a strange dance during which they held little figures of their idols in their hands. The next day they sat about their fire eating stewed fish and recalling their dreams for clues as to the outcome of the forthcoming battle.
Pages 66 & 120 (15.7x19.3), from Part
III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also page 52 in 1593 with
German text:
[224] The battle between rival Indians near Bertioga
On approaching, the Tupinambá spied their enemy, the Tupiniki, in five canoes in the distance. They chased them for four hours before catching up. The battle lasted about two hours, during which time both sides howled at each other like wolves and threatened each other with teeth they had extracted from previous victims. Both sides were so fierce that they fought until the last drop of blood had flowed from their veins.
Pages 78 & 208
(16.0x19.9), from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text,
also pages 54 & 189 in 1593 with German text:
[225] Indian cannibalism
During this battle, a number of the Tipiniki Indians were captured and killed. On the way back to their settlement at Ubatúba, the Tupinambá camped near the mountains of Taquarussu. There they killed, cut up, roasted and ate some of their enemy. The chief offered some flesh to Staden who refused it, saying ‘even animals don’t eat their own kind’, to which the chief replied: ‘I am a jaguar, it tastes good’.
Pages 80 & 89
(16.1x19.6), from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text,
also page 56 in 1593 with German text:
[226] Further Indian cannibalism
While Staden was still in captivity, he witnessed more cannibalism. On of their captives who fell ill was killed. Because the Tupinamba Indians said he was too ugly, they cut off the head and threw it away. They also threw away his intestines because they thought it might have been infected, but the rest was distributed among the village huts before being roasted and enthusiastically eaten.
Page 71 (15.7x19.4), from Part III(g),
first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 48 in 1593 with German
text:
[227] A typical Tupí village
At that time, the Tupínamba Indians were numerous along the coastal regions from São Paulo to Rio de Janeiro. Typically they lived under a leader, in groups of about forty. Their huts, made from palm, were about fourteen feet by a hundred and fifty feet, and about twelve feet high. They built about seven of these in a group and surrounded them with a fence made from palm-tree planks with small holes in through which to shoot arrows. They placed skulls at the entrance to frighten their enemy and put a circle of stakes outside the palisade for added protection.
Page 106 (15.9x20.0),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 70
in 1593 with German text:
[228] A typical Tupí feast
Once a year they Indians from all the surrounding villages would get together for a feast. With decorative head-dresses, cloaks and belts of coloured feathers, three or four men would rattle their maracas, which they believed were the spirits talking to them. They also smoked long tubes with a plant called ‘petum’ [tobacco] in. Around these men hopped a circle of dancers on their left feet, with their right arms placed on their backs. As they did so they chanted words of encouragement to give them strength to defeat their enemy. [This is probably the first copperplate engraving ever to show tobacco smoking in Brazil.]
Page 228 (16.6x20.0),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 221
in 1593 with German text:
[229] How the Tupí Indians prepare their drinks
The women prepared a drink by first boiling up the roots of the manioc plant. The young girls then chewed up this root and spat it back into the bowl of boiling water. After two days of fermentation they handed it round for the men to drink. Then they became intoxicated and danced or sat about the fire all night. There was also another drink, prepared in the same way, but made from ‘Turkish corn’. It was thick, white and opaque, and it looked like milk. There was also a red variety. Every month, the members of each hut prepared their own drinks, which made them merry and intoxicated.
Pages 112 & 174 (16.5x19.9), from
Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also pages 75 & 150
in 1593 with German text:
[230] Ritualistic preparations before killing
When the Tupí bring back a prisoner, the women tie a rope round his neck, decorate him with feathers, cut off his eyebrows and dance round him. Then they paint a both the prisoner’s head and a ‘killing stick’ [called an Iwera Pemme], cover it in glue and stick it all over with crushed grey eggshells. Then they hung up the ‘killing stick’ and danced round it. The night before the killing they leave their prisoner in an especially erected hut.
Page 124 (16.6x19.7), from Part III(g),
first published in 1592, also page 83 in 1593 with German text:
[231] The ritual of the killing
On the day of the killing, the rope is untied from the prisoner’s neck, then put round his body and pulled tightly from both ends. A fire burns in front of the prisoner while the chief, ceremoniously passes the ‘killing-stick’ between the legs of the prisoner. He is then allowed to confront the other members of the tribe in order to boast about his own victories and is even given stones to throw at them, while they protect themselves with their shields. The chief, whose great honour it is to perform the killing, then clubs his victim to death with the ‘killing-stick’.
Pages 125 & 212, from Part III(g),
first published in 1592 with Latin text, also pages 85 & 193 in 1593
with German text. Note: this plate has [232] printed on the verso:
[232] The Women who shed crocodile tears
It was a common practice for the prisoner, who was going to be killed, to be allowed to sleep with one of the women. Sometimes she bore him a child, which was cared for after his death. When he was killed, she felt obliged to shed a few tears but was said to be like the crocodile that was believed to cry a little before eating its victim. After the killing, she was given the privilege of cleaning the victim but when the corpse was cut up and cooked, she was usually the first to eat the flesh.
Pages 126 & 213
(16.1x19.6), from Part III(g), first published in 1592 with Latin text, also
page 195 in 1593 with German text. Note: this plate has [231] printed on the verso:
[233] Cutting up the corpse
After the prisoner’s body had been cleaned and prepared for eating, it was painted white, then skinned. First the legs were cut off above the knees, then the arms. Each limb was detached and given to a different woman who had previously decorated herself with paint. Then, with the limbs, they would chase each other round the huts, which caused great amusement. Finally, the body was cut open down the spine and shared out, with the women taking the intestines.
Page 127 (16.1x19.6),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 86
in 1593 with German text. Note: this plate has [234] printed on the
verso:
[234] A broth is made from the intestines
The women make a thick soup from the intestines and the head, then they shared it out among themselves and their children. After killing the prisoner, the chief gave himself a new name and scratched the top of his arm with an animal’s tooth so as to leave an honoured scar. Then he rested all day so that his arm did not loose its strength from dealing the deadly blow.
Page 66 & 128 (16.2x19.7), from Part
III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 87 published
in 1593 with German text. Note: this plate has [233] printed on the
verso:
[235] How the Tupí Indians roasted their meat
The Indians set up a grill, consisting of four posts set in the ground. They were as thick as a man’s arm and had a fork at the top, across which sticks were laid to form a platform. The meat was then placed on this platform and a slow-burning fire lit underneath. It was not salted but left to roast for a day and a night, so it would not go bad. They often used the meat of a wild animal, common in the Brazilian forest, called a tapir.
Page 179 (16.4x19.8),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 155
in 1593 with German text:
[236] The rituals for those that were dying
When one of the villagers was dying, the others would not feed or care for him but sang and danced as usual. Once he was dead, though, the women would start lamenting by howling like dogs or wolves. They held each other by the arms for support and continued their howling until the corpse was carried away for burial. Then they all joined together in praise of the dead and expressed their joy at being re-united again in the next life.
Pages 59 & 248
(16.5x19.8), from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text,
also pages 39 & 245 in 1593 with German text:
[237] How the Indians believed the devil tormented them
The Tupí believed the souls of those who had been good during this life, lived on happily across the hills. But those who did not fight bravely were led away by the devil and lived on in eternal pain and horror. The fear of this happening to them was so powerful that they often saw the devil in the form of animals, birds or other horrifying creatures. Sometimes they imagined the devil was beating them and screamed for mercy. (The two Europeans in the foreground are Christians trying to convert them to their own beliefs.)
Page 223 (16.1x19.6),
from Part III(g), first published in 1592, with Latin text, also page 215
in 1593 with German text:
[238] Cannibalistic rituals of the Tupí
Here a prisoner of the Tupinambá Indians is shown, decorated with feathers, before being beaten to death. After execution the corpse was washed, cooked, cut up and eaten. Elaborate rituals were performed from the moment of capture until the last ounce of flesh, blood and bone was finally disposed of, all in the name of similar atrocities committed by rival tribes against the Tupinambá.
Page 60 (13.8x15.6),
from Part XIII(g), first published in 1627 with German text only:
[239] The Dutch fleet reaches Rio de Janeiro
In 1599 Oliver van Noort’s fleet reached an island in the natural harbour of Rio de Janeiro. On this island there was a town, as marked (C) and nearby a fortress (D), both of which had been built by the Portuguese. After their long voyage, they desperately needed fresh fruit but found only forty or fifty oranges on the island, then later, when they went ashore in rowing boats, many Indians appeared and started shooting arrows at them (A). Several Dutchmen were wounded and two captured but these men were later released in exchange for money.
Ad. Plate 3 (13.5x17.0)
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and in 1602 with
Latin text:
[240]The Dutch convalesce on the island of Santa Clara
Many of the Dutch were in poor health after their Atlantic crossing and when they found an island to the north of Rio de Janeiro, called Santa Clara, (I. do Francez) they remained there for two weeks convalescing. During this time they ate fish and fresh fruit but two of them died and they had to permanently keep guard against attack from local Indians. Before continuing their journey south, they set fire to one of their ships, which had been too badly damaged to repair.
Ad. Plate 5 (12.7x16.7)
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and in 1602 with
Latin text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[241] The Dutch are attacked at São Sebastiano
After following the coast of Brazil south they eventually reached the island of São Sebastiano, near São Paulo. There they put ten men ashore, who collect fresh water (B), wood for fires and wood to repair their boats (C) so many fresh fish that they could hardly pull in their nets (D). While engaged in these activities, they were suddenly attacked by Indians (A), who had been hiding in the forest. Six of them were killed and the remaining four were taken away as prisoners.
Ad. Plate 4,
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and in 1602 with
Latin text:
[242] Spilbergen’s fleet reaches Brazil
Sixteen years after Noort’s fleet reached Brazil, a more powerful Dutch fleet (O) arrived. It anchored at the harbour of São Vicente, near São Paulo but met with hostility by the Portuguese (B) and local Indians (Q). Nevertheless, the Dutch managed to burn down the church of Santa María and capture one of the Portuguese ships (M) but four of the Dutch were killed in the process (N). The text below the plate describes the scene with a key to places and events.
Ad. Plate 1
(15.1x19.1) from Part XI(g), first published in 1619:
[244] Map: ‘Das Norder Theil des Lands Brasilien’
The map, displayed on a roll above, shows the coastal contours, with place-names along the Brazilian coast near Recife, and below is a bird’s-eye view of the siege with ships and the movements of the troops. With the hope of taking control of the sugar trade in Brazil, the fleet of the Dutch West India Company attacked Recife. While the troops landed further north, the fleet, under the command of Admiral Lonq, tried to force an entrance to the harbour but his ships were repulsed by the Portuguese, under the command of Albuquerque. The siege lasted two weeks and in the end the Dutch finally broke through. The Portuguese, however, not wishing their rivals to benefit from their labours, burnt all their sugar warehouses and shipping, the loss of which was estimated at two million ducats.
Page 52/3 (35.5x44.5), from Part XIII(g),
first published in 1627 with German text and at Page 36/7 in 1634 with
Latin text: N/A
[245] Views: ‘Olinda’ and ‘Olinda de Phernambuco’
Above, this shows a view of the town of ‘Olinda’, with two figures in the foreground displaying a cloth on which are displayed fourteen places by name. Below an offshore view shows the Dutch fleet attacking the harbour. While the Dutch fleet attacked the nearby harbour of Phernambuco, the majority of troops under the command of General van Waerdenburgh had landed on the beach of Pan Amarello, about six miles to the north of Olinda. Advancing towards the town they encountered little resistance and, with few casualties, were soon able to take control of the town. By the 3rd March 1630, all the resistance was over and the Dutch celebrated the capture of Olinda, Recife and the nearby island of Antonio Vaz. The celebrations were premature, however, as guerrilla fighting against the Dutch soon broke out which they were unable to put down.
Page 68/9 (34.5x44.5), from Part XIV(g),
first published in 1630 with German text and in Part XIII(g) at Page 144/5
in 1634 with Latin text:
[284] Revenge in Paraguay for the death of Juan de Ayolas
During Ayolas’s travels in Paraguay, he founded the fort at La Candelaria, near Corumba but later, while returning to Asunción, he and his entire party were killed by the Payaguá Indians. When Domingo Martinez de Irala was informed of the massacre he took revenge by torturing two innocent Indians until they confessed guilt. Then, for admitting the killings, tied them to a tree and burnt them to death.
Plate 2
(13.2x17.5), with Latin text, or Ad. Plate 2, with German text, from Part
VIII(g), first published in 1599:
[285] The first Spanish colony at Buenos Aires
In 1534 Pedro de Mendoza was sent to colonise the Rio de la Plata. The following year several hundred began to colonise the present day site of Buenos Aires. At first, relations with the local Indians were amicable and there was enough to eat, then fighting broke out and the Spaniards were reduced to eating vermin, then the soles of their shoes. When three of the men stole and ate a horse, the commander found out and had them hanged. During the night, however, some of the other men cut the corpses to pieces and ate them too.
Plate 1 (13.4x17.8) with Latin
text, or Ad. Plate 1 with German text, from Part VIII(g), first published in
1599: http://www.infoamerica.org/museo/expo_bry/bryxiii/bryxiii01.htm
[286] Francis Drake reaches the Rio de la Plata
During his round-the-world voyage, Drake’s fleet of five ships reached the Rio de la Plata in April, 1578. One of the ships that was in poor repair had been slowing their progress, so Drake decided to burn her. Many of the local Indians came down to the beach to watch the spectacle. While Drake was engaged in conversation with his men, one of the Indians came from behind and snatched his hat with its golden ribbon, and ran away with it.
Plate 4
(13.4x17.6) with Latin text, or Ad. Plate 4 with German text, from Part
VIII(g), first published in 1599:
http://memory.loc.gov/intldl/drakehtml/rbdkactors.html
[300] Map: ‘Descripcion de la Provincia de Chile’
This map covers the central section of Chile between latitudes 30° and 45° south. Although much of this territory was first explored by Diego de Almagro, who gave names to a number of places along the remote coastline, he returned to Peru disillusioned and embittered at not having found anything worth plundering. (Note: south is to the right of the map.)
Map 13
(10.2x24.6), from Part XII(g), first published in 1623 with German text and in
1624 with Latin text:
[301] Cavendish reaches Morro Moreno
On 15th April, 1587, Cavendish’s fleet anchor at a place called Morro Moreno, on the coast of Chile. The Indians came down from the high cliffs to greet the voyagers and brought with them firewood and fresh water as a sign of friendship. Later the English were taken to their homes, which were made from two sticks in the ground and others laid across, covered with straw. The whole family, including children, lay underneath on animal skins. They were skilled fishermen who used a strange kind of boat, made of two animal-skins sewn together and, for buoyancy and strength, balloons fitted at each end which they blew up before each fishing trip.
Ad. Plate 11
(13.4x17.4), from Part VIII(g), first published in 1600 with German text and
Plate 11 with Latin text:
[302] Noort’s fleet reaches the Island of Moch
On 3rd March 1600, the Dutch fleet anchored off the Island of Mocha, near Concepción in Chile. The islanders sat on wooden stumps and watched the Dutch landing. Then they took them to their houses and offered them chicha. This was a drink, prepared by the old women who gathered together to chew up a certain fruit which they then spat into a communal bowl. Then it was left to ferment for a whole year. On certain feast-days they would gather and, while drinking to excess, they would listen to a group member, sitting on a pole playing a flute.
Ad. Plate 8
(13.6x17.4), from Part IX(g), first published in 1602 with German or Latin
text:
[304] The Dutch visit Isla Mocha
Spilbergen’s fleet anchored off the island of Mocha on 24th April 1615, fifteen years after Noort’s landing. The crew went ashore in several small rowing boats (A), and offered to barter with the Indians for axes and knives (B). The locals, who were simply dressed (K), brought fruit, chicken and sheep (G)*. Later the Dutch entertained the inhabitants of the island on the beach with music, played by flutes and drums (D). While four of the ships anchored some distance off-shore (I), one of them came in (H), in case of danger.
*The sheep were like camels, so were probably llamas or alpacas.
Ap. Plate 3
(15.2x19.0), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin
text:
[305] Spilbergen’s fleet visits the island of Santa María
On 29th May, 1615, Spilbergen’s fleet anchored further north, off an island called Santa María that was separated by a narrow stretch of water (A), from Punta Lavapié on the mainland. Four of the ships (I) anchored in the bay, while the fifth (H) anchored closer. The Dutch went ashore in small boats (f), where they saw Spanish soldiers on horseback (B), so they arranged themselves for battle (C). There were several confrontations (E), during which many Dutchmen died but they still managed to burn the town of Santa María in the process (D).
Ap. Plate 4
(15.2x19.1), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin
text:
[306] Spilbergen’s fleet visits Concepción
About forty miles along the coast, north of Santa María, is Concepción. Spilbergen anchored his fleet (D) in the bay, near the island of Quiriquina (B) on 3rd June, 1615, and fought with about two hundred Spanish soldiers and a number of Indians, guarding the town of Concepción (C)*. In the mêlée, the Dutch eventually managed to set fire to the town. While they were there, however, they discovered many wild horses (E) and noted the simple attire of the Indians (F).
*The text refers to Concepción as an island but it is, in fact, some distance inland. As illustrated, the location corresponds more closely to the town of Tomé.
Ap. Plate 5
(15.4x19.1), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin
text:
[307] Spilbergen’s fleet visits the town of Valparaíso*
The Dutch fleet sailed north and, on 12th June, 1615, they reached the town of Valparaíso*. The natives were dressed as shown (I). The fleet (D) anchored conveniently in the bay and there they encountered a Spanish ship which they shot at many times. It eventually caught fire and ran aground on rocks (C). The Dutch then landed in small boats, (H) and met up with many Spanish soldiers on horseback (F). Nevertheless, they managed to set fire to, and burn some of the Spanish houses, (G).
*In reality, probably the town of S. Jacob (Santiago), which is about eighty miles by road from Valparaíso.
Ap. Plate 6
(15.2x19.1), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German and Latin
text:
[315] L’Hermite’s fleet reaches the Juan Fernandez Islands
After rounding the Horn, the Dutch fleet sailed north-east and landed on the more easterly island of the Juan Fernandez on 5th April 1624. On the north-east of this island they found safe anchorage, near a peaceful valley covered in clover. The island was uninhabited but they found fresh water, fruit and plenty of fish. Here they prepared to make attacks on the Spanish settlements along the west coast of South America.
Page 26
(12.3x18.0), from Part XIV(g), first published in 1630 with German text, and on
Page 104, from Part XIII(g) in 1634 with Latin text:
[017] Title Page to Part IX(g)
This introduces the ninth part of the Grands Voyages, which among other things describes the first Dutch voyages to South America and the East. Round the title panel are penguins from Patagonia and the llama, which was used as a pack animal to transport silver (see [282]). The figures to the left and right represent the indigenous peoples of the region (see [296]), and the character above represents a native of Guinea (see [021]), which the Dutch visited before crossing the Atlantic.
Title page
(26.5x18.1) from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and in
1602 with Latin text:
http://www.sc.edu/library/spcoll/mexico/16cent.htm
http://www.infoamerica.org/museo/expo_bry/bryxiii/bryxiii01.htm
[308] Spilbergen’s fleet visits Quintero
On 13th June, 1615, Spilbergen’s fleet entered the beautiful Bay of Quintero (A), and anchored there (C). Again the Dutch went ashore (G) to fetch water. They noticed more wild horses (H) and Indians dressed as shown (I). Close to the beach the Dutch built a crescent-shaped rampart (B) and positioned their troops to the south (F), to protect them against the Spanish while they collected the water. Nevertheless, the Spanish on horseback carried out raids daily against them (E), so as to disrupt their operations, and the Dutch were forced to counter attack.
Ap. Plate 7
(15.3x19.1), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin
text:
http://www.infanciadechile.info/zoomify/zoomify_galeria_8/10_1615_quintero.html
[287] Thomas Cavendish reaches Deseado
In December, 1586, during his round-the-world voyage, Cavendish’s fleet landed on the Atlantic coast of Patagonia, by some islands in the mouth of the river at Deseado. There they saw many seals and sea lions, whose heads and necks looked like lions with curly manes. It took blows to the head from several sailors to kill just one of these creatures such was their size. They said the meat tasted like mutton or veal. While the rear admiral’s boy was washing some clothes on Christmas Eve, Indians attacked him with arrows but they soon fled when the other sailors came to his rescue.
Plate 10 (13.4x17.4) with Latin text,
or Ad. Plate 10 with German text, from Part VIII(g), first published in
1599:
[288] Olivier van Noort reaches Deseado
In 1599, during his round-the-world voyage, van Noort’s fleet anchor in the mouth of the river at Deseado. When most of the crew went ashore, the featureless landscape seemed deserted, but they came across many Indian graves, decorated with feathers and arrows, and saw many deer (llamas), buffalo (?) and ostriches (rhea). When they returned to their boats they discovered three of the crew had been killed but they searched for the culprits and found no one.
Ad. Plate 6 (13.8x17.5)
from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and in 1602 with
Latin text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[289] Schouten and le Maire land at Deseado
On 8th December 1616, they reached Rio Deseado, where they stayed to carry out repairs and stock up with food and water. While laid up, the Dutch saw some strange things, including a burial ground, where they uncovered skeletons, up to twelve feet in length, the skulls of which could be worn like helmets. The caught and ate sea lions and many kinds of birds, including penguins, and in the mountains they came across many deer-like animals with long necks (llamas?) and ostriches (rheas). They also saw a stone shaped naturally into a fork, which seemed to have been carved with great effort by men.
Ap. Plate 20
(19.1x15.2), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin
text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[290] The discovery of the Magellan Strait
Here, rich in symbolism, is shown the great Portuguese explorer, Ferdinand Magellan, navigating the dangerous waters of the channel that bears his name. On 21st October 1520 Magellan’s ships entered the strait that separates the mainland of South America from the Tierra del Fuego, so named because the fires (shown here) that the natives had lit on the shores, were visible to Magellan through the mist and rain. Although he subsequently died en route, Magellan’s ship, the Victoria, went on to become the first ever to circumnavigate the globe. (This engraving derives from one published nine years earlier, see ref. 56).
Plate 15 (14.7x19.7), from Part IV(g),
first published in 1594 with both Latin and German text:
[310] Map: Schouten’s route round Cape Horn
After clearing the le Maire Straits, they saw through the mist: high craggie land, thousands of whales and sea-mews. That night we went southwards, with waves of billowes out of the south-west and very blew water, whereby we judged and held for certaine that we had great deep water to loeforward from us, nothing doubting but that it was the great South-sea, whereat we were exceeding glad to think that we had discovered a way, which until that time was unknown to men …. On 29th January, 1616, they rounded the Horn.
This map appeared the same year as a slightly less detailed inset to a similar one in Spilbergen’s ‘Oost ende …’ (ref.53) to which it probably owes it origin.
Plate 2 (map)
(16.7x20.2), from Part XI(g), first published in 1619 with German or Latin
text:
[298] The Dutch fight with Indians in the Magellan Strait
While Noort’s fleet was in the Magellan Straits, the Dutch visited an island near Cape Nassau. It was inhabited by Fuegian Indians who threw penguins at the Dutch from a high cliff and shot arrows at them as they advanced up the beach, before retreating into a cave. A fierce battle took place at the entrance to this cave and when all the natives had been killed, the Dutch found a number of terrified women and children, even animals at the back of the cave, which was evidently where they had all been living.
Ad. Plate 7
(13.8x18.6), from Part IX(g), first published in 1602 with German or Latin
text:
[292] Map: ‘Fretum Maghellannicum’
This map, with south shown to the top of the page, illustrates the dangerous channel discovered by Magellan in 1520 (see: [290]), which separates the mainland of South America from the Tierra del Fuego. The natives of the region, which embellish this map are taken from the illustrations to Weert’s voyage (see: [294] & [296]).
Map after Plate
25 (16.2x30.0), from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and
before second Title Page published in 1602 with Latin text. Also Map 3, from
Part XIV(g), published in 1630 with German text and Map 3, from Part XIII(g),
published in 1634 with Latin text:
[293] The Dutch see giants in the Magellan Strait
While Sebald de Weert and his men were rowing to an island in the Magellan Strait, they spied seven strange-looking boats approaching, full of naked giants with reddish-brown skin and long hair. The Dutch shot and killed three of them with their muskets before they retreated to the shore. On the shore they pulled trees from the ground to protect them and waited with spears and stones at the ready for the Dutch to land. But the Dutch were wary of such gruesome creatures and kept away.
Plate 22
(14.7x19.0), from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text and in
1602 with Latin text:
[294] The Dutch come across a strange woman in the Magellan Strait
Another of Weert’s experiences in the Magellan Strait occurred later, when he and his men were coming ashore. Further along the shore they noticed some Indians who abandoned their canoe and fled into the mountains. When they followed, they came across a woman with two small children. She went naked, save but a fur on her back and a necklace of snail shells. She would not accept food from the Dutch but took instead from the canoe a dead bird which she plucked and ate raw, while the blood dripped from her mouth and onto her breasts.
Plate 23
(14.2x18.6), from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text, and in
1602 with Latin text:
[295] The Dutch catch penguins in the Magellan Strait
Before departing the Magellan Strait in 1599, the Dutch needed to stock up with food. On an island in the Magellan Strait they discovered a large colony of strange birds, called penguins, so they called it Penguin Island (Isla Magdalena). The bird was about the size of a large goose, weighing about 12lbs. It had a black and white stomach, with webbed feet and no wings to speak of. It could swim like a fish but on land waddled along upright. There were so many of them on this island that the Dutch killed about nine hundred of them, which took twenty-five boat trips to load aboard their ship.
Plate 25
(14.7x18.4), from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text, and in
1602 with Latin text:
http://bell.lib.umn.edu/encounters/home.html
[296] The Dutch become stranded in the Magellan Strait
While the Dutch were killing the birds on Penguin Island, there was a great storm and the waves damaged their boat so badly that it was wrecked. After the storm they gathered round and prayed for strength to cope with their disaster, then they gathered together the remains of their boat to try to repair it. While they were doing so they noticed an Indian woman hiding from them in one of the penguin’s holes. They also discovered a dead man with a feathered head-dress with his hands tied behind his back.
Plate 24
(13.9x18.2), from Part IX(g), first published in 1601 with German text, and in
1602 with Latin text:
[299] Map: ‘Tijpus Freti Magellanici’
On 26th March, 1615, Spilbergen’s fleet entered the Magellan Strait. His experiences and observations are decoratively illustrated in this map. On one of the ships there was a mutiny and it left the fleet (A), meanwhile the other five ships entered the strait (B). Later they were attacked by Indians with clubs (D) but met others who spoke in a strange tongue (F) and to whom they gave wine and during their exploits, they found many berries (G), penguins and other birds (I).
Ap. Plate 2
(Map) (15.5x40.5), from Part XI(g), first published in 1620 with German or Latin
text:
[313] Chart drawn by the Nassau Fleet in Tierra del Fuego
L’Hermite’s fleet reached the Tierra del Fuego. Because of bad weather, inexperience and bad compass readings, they anchored in a bay, which they called ‘Nassawische Voerde’ (Nassau Bay) on 17th February 1624. From here the vice-admiral explored a bay, Schapenham Bay, which was named after him. Cape Horn is perhaps more accurately depicted here than any previously.
Page 21 (Map)
(15.1x17.2), from Part XIV(g), first published in 1630 with German text, and
at
Page 99 from Part XIII(g), published in 1634 with Latin text:
[314] The inhabitants of the Tierra del Fuego
The survivors of l’Hermite’s voyage reported that the inhabitants of this beautiful island were well proportioned and a similar height to Europeans. They had long black hair and sharp teeth, and painted themselves red and white all over. The women wore strings of shells round their necks with leather girdles and, apart from animal skins, went naked. Their huts were made from tree-trunks, round and pointed at the top with earth on the outside. They were dug two or three feet into the ground. Inside, they kept their weapons: bows and arrows, spears, stone knives and fishing tackle. They were excellent fishermen, whose boats resembled gondolas made from tree trunks, about sixteen feet long and two feet wide.
Page 23
(14.6x17.3), from Part XIV(g), first published in 1630 with German text and on
Page 102, from Part XIII(g) in 1634 with Latin text:
The End of this Geographical Category